As we hopefully move forward in the national
conversation on income inequality, we cannot lose sight of the
relationship between our political and economic systems, and we must
keep in the forefront of our national consciousness our chief ideal of
achieving a democratic society.
Although New Jersey Governor Chris Christie is tired of hearing about increasing the minimum wage, it is worth noting that this
January 1, nine states, including New Jersey, will see their minimum
wages rise because of indexed increases. Additionally, ten states plus
the District of Columbia enacted minimum wage increases during the 2014
legislative sessions while four states approved minimum wage increases
through ballot measures in the 2014 general election. Illinois voters
approved an advisory measure to raise the minimum wage.
These increases are unquestionably good news for
low-wage employees without whose work the wealth of this nation, so
inequitably distributed, could not be created. But,
let’s be clear that the infinitesimal redistribution of wealth these
legislative wage increases entail only barely narrow the mammoth wealth
chasm in this country and do not come close—and are not intended to come
close—to achieving any condition remotely resembling income equality.
Rather, these increases make an inhumane economy less inhumane by
helping the majority of ordinary working Americans meet their basic
needs. Our current economy has as its primary objective the production
of profit; meeting need is subsidiary. Thus, such legislation works to
countervail an economic system whose internal logic will never bend
toward economic justice.
Lest, though, we think these increases are some kind
of charity, let’s also remember that by many accounts raising the
minimum improves the economy overall—even for those resistant to such
legislation—by creating a vibrant consumer in an economy driven
overwhelmingly by consumer spending, increasing tax revenues which will
allow federal, state, and local governments to undertake urgent
infrastructure repairs vital to the economy, and decreasing people’s
needs for government assistance which allows governments to redirect
revenues to more developmental areas such as education. Thus, raising
the minimum wage is, simply put, just sound economic policy.
Above all, let’s also remember, as Nobel
Prize-winning economist and former leader of the World Bank Joseph
Stiglitz underscores in his book The Price of Inequality, staggering
income inequality such as we see in the U.S. is not only economically
inefficient but also severely undermines democracy.
As we hopefully move forward in the national
conversation on income inequality, we cannot lose sight of the
relationship between our political and economic systems, and we must
keep in the forefront of our national consciousness our chief ideal of
achieving a democratic society. How we organize our economy and
distribute and allocate resources can either facilitate or undermine a
democratic socio-political culture. This effort enjoins, in part,
interrogating the language we use to talk about and understand equality.
Indeed, part of the difficulty of achieving political and social
equality in this country lies in not just our inability to understand
what constitutes equality but also in the fact that we have turned the
meaning of the word in its head.
Often we hear in political rhetoric the phrase
“equality of opportunity” standing in for the concept of equality.
Christie, for example, in
addressing the Economic Club of Chicago last February asserted that
“the problem we have is an opportunity gap, not an income equality gap.”
Christie, of course, on one level is simply foolish to deny the
glaring obviousness of the wealth gap in this country and its
deleterious impact on our economy, which even the ratings agency Standard and Poor’s has recognized.
On another level, Christie’s rhetoric is representative of the standard
narrative of upward mobility I debunked in my first installment in this
series, “How to Create Policies to Address Income Inequality?: De-Mythologize Upward Mobility.”
As I argued, then, even if everyone in the U.S. achieved advanced
degrees, as a society we still need people performing the necessary
labor now categorized as “low-wage work.” The narrative of upward
mobility or economic opportunity only masks and even legitimates gross
economic inequality, offering people the hope of escaping “low-wage
work” but not eliminating the social necessity of someone doing that
work. Thus, I suggested, we need to change the way we value the
necessary work people do to make our lives possible rather than ask
people to increase their value.
The concept of equality of opportunity is actually
antagonistic to democratic conceptions of social and political equality,
enabling some to achieve economic and hence political dominance over
others. Again, we need to focus on the relationship between political
equality and economic equality, as in the age of Citizens United, all
should be able to clearly discern how economic inequality entails
political inequality.
To illustrate this point, consider the following two recent occurrences:
Last October 30 at a staged event in Belmar,
New Jersey, Governor Chris Christie, in a now infamous rant, berated
former New Jersey city councilman and political organizer James Keady,
who was protesting the Governor’s failure to disburse millions of
dollars in Hurricane Sandy relief funds to homeowners and small
businesses still suffering from the devastation even now over two years
later. Christie all but ripped Keady a new one, excoriating him for
seeking his fifteen minutes of fame before the cameras rather than being
one of those, like supposedly Christie himself, who has been rolling up
his sleeves and doing the actual work to address people’s misery when
the cameras aren’t rolling. Not surprisingly, Christie had no idea that
for the past two years Keady has been working on the ground helping as
an organizer of an action group devoted to conveying unused relief funds
to Sandy victims. Ironically, of course, Keady’s point, had Christie
chosen to listen, was that Christie has not, in fact, been doing the
work. Christie’s response? “Sit down, and shut up!”
Last
November 13, Wal-Mart workers from throughout California did, in fact,
“sit down, and shut up,” lining the aisles of a Wal-Mart in Crenshaw,
California, donning across their mouths green tape over which was
written “Strike” in black marker. Reminiscent of the first retail
sit-down strike in Woolworth’s in 1937, the action dramatized the
workers’ refusal to be silent despite Wal-Mart’s scare tactics as they
organized to fight for a $15 per hour wage.
In the first instance, we see how Christie’s
political dominance gives him economic control over dispensing public
resources and also how this dominance enables him to disregard the
process of deliberative democracy imagined by our founding fathers. In
the second, we see workers resisting—and dramatizing–not just their
economic marginalization but the way that economic marginalization has
limited, if not outright silenced, their political voice and power.
In this age of Citizens United when we see the Koch
brothers buying politicians and political power with their seemingly
unlimited economic resources, availing themselves of what Greg Palast
has called “the best democracy money can buy,” we need to recognize that
when we are discussing income inequality we are not only talking about
addressing the right of people who perform vital social labor to be able
to meet their basic needs but also about preserving—or perhaps
restoring–democracy itself. Let’s be careful about how we speak so we
don’t glibly dismiss our quest for equality in favor of equal
opportunity. If we speak falsely, we will find ourselves stripped of our
democratic rights and told to sit down and shut up.
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